大陸熱播劇「沉默的榮耀」所揭露這段歷史事件，重現1940年代末台灣地下黨的悲劇，也揭示蔡孝乾的背叛如何導致整個地下組織覆滅。蔡孝乾原本是極為罕見的台籍中共幹部，他曾跟隨瞿秋白、任弼時等早期革命者參與活動，更完成艱苦的長征，因而獲得周恩來的親自推薦，擔任中共台灣省工委書記，掌握島上地下黨的核心秘密與運作經費。在1946年台灣省工委剛成立時，蔡孝乾於7月赴台，成為當時地下黨在島內最大的希望，組織寄望他能將台灣的地下力量凝聚成統一戰線。他既熟悉大陸革命政策，又有老台共背景，擁有指揮全台地下黨的能力，到1949年已經聯絡上1300多名黨員，能動員近五萬群眾。根據計畫，他與粟裕將軍商定，只要解放軍攻台，他就會策動工人罷工、學生停課，配合解放軍作戰，為收復台灣打下內應基礎。

然而，誰也沒料到這位經歷過長征洗禮的老革命，抵達台灣後徹底變性格。他表面上以做生意作掩護，背地裡卻過著油頭粉面的生活。據歷史記載，早在1948年，他就與自己14歲的小姨子馬雯娟有不當關係，生活腐化奢靡。即便是組織提供的行動經費，他也敢擅自挪用。華東局的張執一早已察覺異常，建議高層更換人選，但因懂台灣海峽局勢、能挑大梁的幹部極少，組織只能忍痛信任蔡孝乾。畢竟，他手握整個地下黨的核心機密，誰都不敢輕易動他。

正所謂「千里之堤毀於蟻穴」，蔡孝乾的腐化最終成為導火線。1949年7月，基隆中學校長鐘浩東辦一份名為《光明報》的進步報紙，被抓後，44名地下工作者相繼落網，其中7人被槍決。鐘浩東在遭受拷打之際，恍惚間喊出「老鄭呢？」——這正是蔡孝乾的化名。高雄市工委的李汾被捕後無法承受壓力，供出了省工委副書記陳澤民。特務在陳澤民的筆記本裡找到「老鄭」二字，經過殘酷拷打，才查出蔡孝乾的住所。1950年1月29日，特務谷正文帶人將他堵住。起初，蔡孝乾還裝作不知情，試圖應付特務，但趁其不備鑽進一家木材行，竟然短暫逃脫。

然而，長期習慣於奢華生活的蔡孝乾，最終在嘉義農村躲了兩個月後，因忍受不簡樸生活，非得進城吃西餐，結果再次被抓。谷正文摸準了他的軟肋——對享樂的貪念以及對馬雯娟的依戀。稍加施壓，他立即屈服，甚至厚顏無恥地提出條件：「只要讓馬雯娟來監獄與我同住，我就交出所有秘密。」當時馬雯娟僅16歲。

短短一週之內，蔡孝乾幾乎交代在台灣所有地下黨成員的名單，使台灣地下黨徹底陷入火坑。華東局特派員朱楓被捕後吞金自殺未遂，最終身中七槍壯烈犧牲；國防部參謀次長吳石，因蔡孝乾筆記中有他的名字，被折磨至全身傷痕累累，右眼失明，仍不吐口風，最終被槍決。僅吳石將軍一人，蔡孝乾直接供出的情報就導致四百多名同志被捕，加上相關清查，前前後後被牽連的人數超過一千八百。

這段歷史再次證明，蔡孝乾的背叛不僅摧毀台灣地下黨的組織，也徹底改變了當時中共在台行動的戰略格局。他的貪婪與腐化，使一位原本有望協助解放軍收復台灣的核心幹部，成為歷史上最令人痛心的叛徒之一。

This historical episode vividly illustrates how Cai Xiaoqian’s betrayal led to the collapse of the Chinese Communist underground in Taiwan and caused untold suffering among its members. Cai, a rare Taiwanese cadre of the Chinese Communist Party, had completed the Long March and participated in early revolutionary activities alongside figures such as Qu Qiubai and Ren Bishi. His credentials were so esteemed that Premier Zhou Enlai personally recommended him to serve as the Secretary of the Taiwan Provincial Working Committee, entrusting him with core intelligence and organizational control over the island’s underground network.

In July 1946, shortly after the Taiwan Provincial Working Committee was established, Cai arrived on the island, becoming the greatest hope for the underground Party. His background made him uniquely valuable: he understood the mainland’s revolutionary policies while also being an “old Taiwan Communist,” capable of uniting scattered underground forces. By 1949, he had already established contacts with over 1,300 Party members and could mobilize nearly 50,000 supporters. Plans were in place with General Su Yu that, once the People’s Liberation Army attacked Taiwan, Cai would coordinate strikes by workers and student protests, providing internal support for the military operation and facilitating the island’s liberation.

Yet, the man who had survived the hardships of the Long March soon revealed a completely different character on Taiwan. While outwardly posing as a businessman, he led a corrupt and indulgent lifestyle. Reports indicate that as early as 1948, he was involved in a scandalous relationship with his 14-year-old maternal niece, Ma Wenjuan, and he freely misappropriated funds intended for Party operations. Zhang Zhiyi of the East China Bureau had already warned the leadership about Cai’s behavior and suggested a replacement. However, given the scarcity of cadres familiar with both Taiwan and capable of handling such responsibilities, the leadership reluctantly continued to rely on him, unwilling to risk interfering with someone who held the underground’s most sensitive secrets.

As the saying goes, “a thousand-mile dike collapses from an ant hole.” In July 1949, the principal of Keelung High School, Zhong Haodong, published a progressive newspaper called Guangming Bao and was arrested. Forty-four underground operatives were subsequently apprehended, with seven executed. While being tortured, Zhong murmured “Where is Old Zheng?”—the alias of Cai Xiaoqian. The breakthrough came when Li Fen, a member of the Kaohsiung City Committee, was captured and divulged the deputy secretary Chen Zemin’s identity. The secret police discovered the name “Old Zheng” in Chen’s notebook, and after severe torture, traced Cai’s residence. On January 29, 1950, agent Gu Zhenzheng and his team confronted Cai. At first, he feigned ignorance and attempted to stall, even briefly escaping through a lumber shop.

However, accustomed to luxury, Cai could not endure rural life in Chiayi for more than two months. He entered the city to eat Western cuisine, which immediately led to his capture. Gu Zhenzheng understood Cai’s vulnerabilities: his desire for comfort and his attachment to Ma Wenjuan. Under pressure, Cai quickly capitulated and shamelessly demanded, “If Ma Wenjuan can stay with me in prison, I will reveal all secrets.” At the time, Ma Wenjuan was only sixteen.

Within a single week, Cai disclosed nearly all Party members in Taiwan, plunging the underground network into disaster. Zhu Feng, a special envoy from the East China Bureau, was captured, attempted suicide by ingesting poison, survived, and ultimately was shot seven times, dying heroically. General Wu Shi, whose name appeared in Cai’s notebook, endured brutal torture, losing sight in his right eye, but refused to divulge information before being executed. Cai’s direct betrayal alone led to the arrest of over 400 comrades; with extended investigations, more than 1,800 people were affected.

This episode demonstrates that Cai Xiaoqian’s corruption and betrayal not only destroyed Taiwan’s underground Party but also completely derailed the strategic plans for the liberation of Taiwan. A cadre who had once been expected to play a pivotal role in the island’s liberation instead became one of the most infamous traitors in modern Chinese history, with his greed and moral decay leaving a devastating impact on both the Party and countless loyal members.